Today it is objectively the case he added

a majority of the French and left voters to give reason. It proves that it is the only one to think without taboos. "Of course, in the wake of his election to the Presidency of the Poitou-Charentes region, Ipsos was the first Institute to"install"in barometers. But for Jean-Marc Lech, what polls or media invented Ségolène, "what are the French who have decided to make the presidential election a referendum".

The risk of a remake of 2002

This analysis is not shared, however, by the editor of the political Department of France 3, Jean-Michel Blier. According to him, the risk of a "doomsday scenario in 2002" is real: "Despite the warning of the referendum on Europe, it has the same scenario worse." "Polls push to focus on two candidates, with Le Pen Crouching in the corner," he said. For most political journalists, the worst would be that the "trauma of 2002", happen when no one had seen come the rise of Le Pen. In all specialized services for newspapers, where it accuses willingly pollsters to "impose the Sarko-Sego at last match", the watchword is "back on the ground" and "Cape on the broadcast. As the burst of the Internet in the campaign within the level of General mistrust towards the major traditional media. But TF1 rejects the arguments of a some mainstream press "rather left oriented", to "blaming TV media, seen as a conservative media or manipulators, to throw their own responsibilities". For the string chaired by Patrick Le Lay, media have not distorted the reality in 2002. It is the political staff which was more in line with the expectations and aspirations of the citizens.

A "tabloidisation" granted

In the eyes of Etienne Mougeotte, the presence of the skipper of the national Front in the second round in 2002 remains "an accident". "". It is simply the multiplication of entries on the left that he failed 175.000 votes to Jospin. "The thrust of Le Pen was real, but it was not a tidal wave", minimizes. For its part, the Director General of the CSA Institute, Roland Cayrol, categorically refuses the role of "ideal scapegoat" sought to be given to pollsters. "We have nothing imposed at all." "This is the media who are again 2002 talking only of Ségolène and Sarkozy, while these two candidates represent only 36 of all voters today (60 of the 60 of voting intentions expressed, given 40 of abstentions, Editor's note)." It partly explains this phenomenon by the focus on personalities over the programs.

"It is true, the"tabloidisation"corresponds to the crisis of ideologies and large grids of reading," confirms Jean-Marie Charon, sociologist at the Center for studies of social movements. But still, TF1 boot key. The phenomenon would be more because of news magazines that use Ségolène or Cécilia for "sell the paper. Of course, the candidate of the PS in bathing suit on the "closer", it is relatively unreported. But the two "victims" would be largely consensual, according to TF1. "From the moment it includes Drucker,"Gala"and"Paris Match"in a plan of com, should not be surprised that"Here","closer"and"Public"to rush into the breach." Paradoxically, and subject to inventory , reality-shows chain wants to share things and is prohibited "any treatment political news people". "This is not for us to do so", estimated at Headquarters.

Two months of the appointment of Sarkozy as official of the UMP, scheduled for mid-January, TF1 sees, in any case, already in the field. She wants to focus on "new ways to talk about policy in early evening. In this regard, it is renew the kind of the great political issue in drawing the debate of Jacques Chirac to the youth in the Elysee Palace, which was last year the "point of organ" of the campaign on the European Constitutional Treaty. However, the leaders of the string sweep to the back of the hand all debate on the relations of friendship between the shareholder and the President of the UMP. "The proximity between Nicolas Sarkozy and Martin Bouygues has strictly no influence on the treatment of information." If it is to continue to make 40 hearing at 20 hours, there is no interest to choose a candidate.

Same serenity displayed at the "Figaro". "This is not today that industry behind press groups there." "What matters is not the nature of the shareholder, the State of relations between the shareholder and the editors", recently considered the Director General of the society of Figaro, Francis Morel, in a debate on the press at the Sorbonne, rejecting any hint of interference of Serge Dassault. "Interventions, there always, regardless of the shareholders." What is important is that the direction of the writing is strong enough to repel. "Today, it is objectively the case," he added.

The question of the transparency of the media is not new. By establishing a link between the difficulties of "Liberation" and "the activism of the friends of Mr. Sarkozy", Ségolène Royal spokesman Arnaud Montebourg took a new step: he denounced the risk of "berlusconisation of French media. But recent history shows that Silvio Berlusconi media strike force has not specifically been luck. And that challenge the wind blows now on traditional media.